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New Report Outlines Social Interventions to End Mass Incarceration and Improve Public Safety

By Stacy M. Brown, NNPA Newswire Senior National Correspondent

As the United States commemorates 50 years of mass incarceration, researchers and experts call for a comprehensive reimagining of the public safety infrastructure to prevent another 50 years of this troubling trend.

The Sentencing Project, a leading criminal justice reform organization, has released a groundbreaking report titled “Ending Mass Incarceration: Safety Beyond Sentencing,” outlining five social interventions that can pave the way to a safer, fairer, and more equitable future for America’s communities.
The report sheds light on the startling statistics, revealing that the U.S. prison population has expanded by a staggering 500% since 1973.
However, it also highlights some positive developments, with the prison population declining by 25% since its peak in 2009.

Twenty-one states have taken steps to partially or fully close correctional facilities since 2000, signaling a trend of prison repurposing for community and commercial use.
Despite those changes, the current pace of de-incarceration, averaging 2.3% annually since 2009, indicates that it would take until 2098 to return to the prison population of 1972.
The report emphasizes the need for social interventions and legislative reforms.

Liz Komar, Sentencing Reform Counsel at The Sentencing Project, and co-author of the report, stressed the importance of reimagining public safety infrastructure.
“Policymakers can create safer, fairer, and more equitable communities by combining social interventions that address some of the root causes of crime with legislative reforms that reduce the harm of the criminal legal system,” Komar insisted.

Further, the report noted that deep racial and ethnic disparities exist throughout the criminal legal system, from the point of arrest to post-incarceration experiences that include restrictions on voting and employment.

“Black, Latinx, and Indigenous residents experience cumulative disadvantage at every stage of the criminal legal system because they are more likely to be arrested, convicted, and receive more punitive criminal sanctions than white individuals,” the authors wrote.
“Black adults are incarcerated in state prisons at nearly five times the rate of whites,” they continued, noting that, in 2019, Black youth were 4.4 times as likely to be incarcerated in the juvenile justice system as were their white peers.

The report offers five key recommendations for policymakers and community members to create a safer society without relying on mass incarceration:

1- Implement community-based safety solutions: Violence interruption programs and changes to the built environment, such as adding green spaces and improving street lighting, can decrease violence without resorting to incarceration.

2- Transform crisis response: Investing in trained community-based responders with expertise in public health approaches can reduce police shootings, improve safety, and decrease incarceration during crises, including mental health emergencies.

3- Reduce unnecessary justice involvement: Decriminalizing certain non-public safety offenses and implementing diversion programs can limit police contact and court involvement, ultimately improving safety and reducing unnecessary incarceration.

4- End the drug war: Shifting away from criminalizing drug use and focusing on public health solutions, such as harm reduction services and supervised consumption sites, can improve public health and safety.

5- Strengthen opportunities for youth: Providing summer employment opportunities and training youth in effective decision-making skills can prevent their involvement in the criminal legal system.

Nicole D. Porter, Senior Director of Advocacy with The Sentencing Project and co-author of the report, underlines the effectiveness and cost-efficiency of these interventions.
“Research shows these interventions are more effective at reducing crime and improving public safety, more cost-effective, and more equitable than punitive responses that rely on over policing and mass incarceration,” Porter stated.

Researchers asserted that the report serves as a beacon of hope and an urgent call to action for policymakers, community leaders, and citizens alike.
They insist that embracing these social interventions and legislative reforms allows the United States to forge a safer, more equitable future free from the burden of mass incarceration.

“At every stage of the criminal legal system, and before harm ever arises, there are promising ways that communities can protect public safety and take steps toward ending mass incarceration,” The Sentencing Project researchers concluded.

“State legislatures and the federal government should invest in these interventions and incentivize their adoption. Communities have already begun building the necessary interventions to reduce America’s reliance on prisons.

“Social interventions that address the root causes of crime and legislative reforms that reduce the harm of the criminal legal system can move the U.S. toward a safer, fairer, and more equitable future.”


Common Ground Theatre Celebrates 60 Years with Upcoming Production

By VOICE & VIEWPOINT NEWSWIRE

60 years ago, the late Rufus DeWitt and the late Dr. Robert L. Matthews answered the community’s call for a theatre company performing works by and about Black People. 

Their efforts started during the Civil Rights movement, a time when Blacks sought many freedoms including freedom of expression. In 1963, the Southeast Community Theatre was established. In 2003, the theatre was renamed Common Ground Theatre (Common Ground) by the late Dr. Floyd Gaffney, a professor at the University of California, San Diego, and a director with the theatre for over three decades.

It is significant that the play being showcased in celebration of Common Ground’s 60 years is George C. Wolfe’s Colored Museum, a satire set in a fictional museum where a collection of 11 “exhibits” have been mounted for public viewing. First performed in 1985, this award-winning play remains relevant as it deconstructs several Black stereotypes, exploring themes like slavery, Black identity, generational trauma, and inter-communal conflict.

“This is a unique time in our country. 65% of Black people believe that even with the increased attention to racial inequality not much has changed. My father, Rufus Dewitt worked to provide a stage where great performance art could occur. Colored Museum is a thought-provoking piece that explores what it is to be Black in America. He would agree with our decision to produce this play 60 years after the opening of the theatre.” Stated Francine DeWitt-Haynes, President for the Board of Directors for Common Ground Theatre.

Actor and director Yolanda Marie Franklin was appointed Executive Artistic Director of Common Ground Theatre in July 2020. Ms. Franklin will direct this important piece of theatre. “We continue to find new ways to express the goals of our mission, excite audiences and provide opportunities for emerging actors. Colored Museum is a classic, and I am excited about directing such an important piece at such an important time in the life of Common Ground Theatre,” said Ms. Franklin.

Showtimes will cover two weekends this month at the La Jolla Playhouse “Shank Theatre” 2910 La Jolla Village Drive, La Jolla, CA: Friday, August 18 & 25 at 7:30 PM, Saturday, August 19 & 26 at 7:30 PM, and Sunday, August 20 & 27 at 2:00 PM. A special anniversary reception will be available on Saturday, August 19, at 6:00 PM. Tickets are $40 with $10 off for students, and seniors.

Contact Francine DeWitt-Haynes at the Common Ground Theatre at (619) 246-5350 or visit www.commongroundtheatre.com for tickets.

Get your tickets soon, this play is guaranteed to sell out!


California Lawmakers: Smarter Policy Can End Poverty

By Lila Brown, California Black Media

A group of progressive California lawmakers – including three members of the California Legislative Black Caucus (CLBC) — have pledged to end poverty in California by advancing more effective policy during the next legislative session – and beyond.

Newly appointed Assembly Majority Leader Isaac Bryan (D-Los Angeles) announced the formation of the End Poverty in California Caucus last month at a Los Angeles screening of the documentary “Poverty and Power.” The film features former Stockton Mayor Michael Tubbs, an anti-poverty advocate who founded a non-profit that shares a name with the caucus, End Poverty in California (EPIC).

“We’re headed towards the end of the legislative session, but we’re in the process of recruiting members to the poverty caucus,” Bryan, who is the chair of the new caucus, told California Black Media.

“We’ve got about a half dozen members already,” Bryan continued. “As we continue to do outreach in the legislature, I expect that number to grow. By the time we come back together in January to introduce new legislation we should have everything ready to go, to focusing on criminal justice reform and the housing crisis’ systemic nexus to poverty in the state.”

Bryan is the treasurer of the CLBC.

The End Poverty Caucus says it will aim to “help lawmakers organize around key votes and issues and build power in order to advance bold policy change.”

Other CLBC lawmakers who are members of the newly formed poverty caucus are Sen. Lola Smallwood-Cuevas (D-Ladera Heights) and Assemblymember Mia Bonta (D-Alameda).

“Part of the reason over a quarter of our state’s residents live at or below the poverty level is because of California’s failed public policies,” said Smallwood-Cuevas in a statement. “Our State Legislature must fight for California’s working families by creating equitable access to quality jobs and doubling down on what Californians earn across the board, particularly for residents from marginalized communities of color.”

Bonta said bills she introduced this year have prioritized the needs of children and families, but she looks forward to working with her colleagues to take bolder and broader action to address those problems.

It’s clear that we need to advance stronger policies that will coordinate effective, place-based delivery of wrap-around services for people most in need to make significant progress in the fight against poverty,” Bonta said. “I look forward to joining forces with our End Poverty Caucus to ensure that we strengthen our safety net and tackle the racial and economic inequities in our communities.”

Other members of the Caucus are Senators Nancy Skinner (D-Oakland) and Scott Wiener (D-San Francisco) and Assemblymembers Rebecca Bauer-Kahan (D-Orinda), Matt

Haney (D-San Francisco), Ash Kalra (D-Fresno), Buffy Wicks (D-Oakland) and Luz Rivas (D-Arleta).

Some critics have cautioned, however, that creating a caucus focused on poverty is political showmanship by Democrats that will have little impact on actual poverty reduction. Tim Anaya, vice president of the conservative leaning Pacific Research Institute, says “The new End Poverty in California legislative caucus is not going to foster a serious discussion about helping Californians climb the economic ladder. Rather, EPIC promotes policies that don’t work and would trap more Californians perpetually in poverty.”

Instead, Anaya proposes, lawmakers should support free market reform to support entrepreneurship and small business growth. In an op-ed titled “Ending poverty in California Requires Good Policy, Not Platitudes,” that several California news outlets published last week, the author, Steven Greenhut, Western Region Director for the R Street Institute, compared the California Legislature to a high school student council setting unrealistic goals they cannot achieve.

“Ending poverty is a large promise – and the Legislature is much better at passing laws that exacerbate poverty (minimum wage, anti-competitive union work rules, onerous licensing requirements) rather than reduce it,” Greenhut writes.

Although poverty, overall, in California has decreased over the last four years, the numbers are still dire. About 28 % of state residents (4.5 million people) are poor or near-poor, according

to the Public Policy Institute of California. The state’s homeless and housing affordability crises also compound problems poor and low-income families face in the state, according to policymakers.

Bryan says he looks forward to working with leaders like Tubbs, who has been a leading proponent of progressive economic policies like Guaranteed Basic Income and Baby Bonds.

“The best policy solutions come from listening to the people who are the most affected. I am proud to lead a caucus that is dedicated to doing exactly that,” said Bryan.


U.S. District Judge Tanya S. Chutkan to Oversee Former President Trump’s Election Interference Case

By Stacy M. Brown, NNPA Newswire Senior National Correspondent

Judge Tanya S. Chutkan will preside over the case of former President Donald Trump’s alleged efforts to overturn the 2020 election.
This decision comes after Chutkan’s previous involvement in key motions related to the January 6 committee’s investigation.
Chutkan has a history with Trump. She denied his 2021 motion to prevent records from being given to the January 6 committee.

In her decision, she emphasized that “Presidents are not kings, and Plaintiff is not president.” This ruling showcased her commitment to upholding the principles of democracy and the rule of law.
A trailblazer in her own right, Chutkan’s background is impressive.
She was born in Kingston, Jamaica and moved to the United States to pursue higher education.

She earned a bachelor’s degree in economics from George Washington University and later graduated from the University of Pennsylvania Law School.
Chutkan began her law career working in private practice and later at the District of Columbia Public Defender Service.

After that, she joined the law firm Boies, Schiller, & Flexner LLP, where she specialized in white-collar criminal defense for a total of 12 years.
Legal experts described Chutkan as incredibly dedicated to justice and fair representation as a public defender. They said her commitment to ensuring equal access to justice was evident.

Her colleagues said her extensive experience in complex legal matters and criminal defense undoubtedly contributed to her well-rounded understanding of the law.
Chutkan was appointed to the District Court for the District of Columbia by former President Barack Obama in 2014.
Chutkan has a reputation for being a fair and committed judge.
Still, she hasn’t shied away from imposing harsher sentences than the Justice Department initially requested in cases involving January 6 defendants.

When federal prosecutors suggested that Matt Mazzocco serve three months of home confinement and probation after he pleaded guilty to misdemeanor charges of storming the U.S. Capitol on Jan. 6, Chutkan insisted that there must be consequences “beyond sitting at home” for individuals involved in an attempted violent overthrow of the U.S. government.

“If Mr. Mazzocco walks away with probation and a slap on the wrist, that’s not going to deter anyone trying what he did again,” Chutkan asserted from the bench.
“It does not, in this Court’s opinion, indicate the severity – the gravity of the offenses that he committed on Jan. 6.”

Ultimately, she sentenced Mazzocco to 45 days in jail and 60 hours of community service.
Many observers said her stance reflects a belief in the importance of holding individuals accountable for their actions during the insurrection.

The judge has refused to bow to political pressure or executive privilege.
In addition to denying Trump’s emergency motion in 2021, attempting to prevent the National Archives from turning over his administration’s records to the January 6 committee, she has remained steadfast in upholding the law.

“For a lot of people, I seem to check a lot of boxes: immigrant, woman, Black, Asian. Your qualifications are always going to be subject to criticism and you have to develop a thick skin,” Chutkan was quoted as saying in a February 2022 profile posted by the federal judiciary.


Should Trump go to Jail? The 2024 Election Could Become a Referendum on That Question

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NEW YORK (AP) — The 2024 election will determine whether Donald Trump returns to the White House. It could also decide if he’ll face time behind bars.

For Trump, who’s now facing his third criminal indictment — this time for his efforts to overturn the 2020 election and block the transfer of presidential power — winning is about more than ego, redemption, score-settling or the future of the country.

“This election may very well be about Donald Trump’s personal freedom,” said Ari Fleischer, a longtime Republican strategist. “It’s not an exaggeration to say, if convicted, he could be sentenced to prison unless he wins and he uses the levers of justice to reverse it or stop it or drop it.”

The deeply personal stakes for Trump add to what is already an election unlike any other in modern history. It’s now not only a debate over the country’s challenges, but a partisan fight over whether the 77-year-old former president and GOP frontrunner should spend time in prison. Putting that issue out front, Trump ally Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene, R-Ga., tweeted that she “will still vote for Trump even if he’s in jail.”

Critics have long alleged that Trump’s fear of prosecution was a chief motivator for his decision to mount another campaign. While Trump denies that — insisting that charges never would have been brought had he decided against running — the new indictment ensures his campaign and legal issues are now intertwined.

“The legal messaging is the political messaging and the political messaging is the legal messaging,” Trump campaign spokesman Steven Cheung said of the new reality. “It’s part of what we’re running on. Trump has made the legal issues a big focus of his campaign and from our standpoint, it’s messaging that works.”

The combined 78 state and federal charges against Trump are already dominating his stump speeches as he seeks to portray himself as the victim of a politicized Justice Department bent on damaging the prospects of President Joe Biden’s chief political rival. At his rallies, he tries to frame the charges as not just an attack on him, but his supporters.

“They’re not indicting me, they’re indicting you,” he told the crowd at a weekend rally in Erie, Pennsylvania.

On a more practical level, Trump is confronting an unprecedented balancing act, campaigning while facing possible trials in at least three different jurisdictions.

He will appear in federal court in Washington Thursday to face the latest charges before headlining an Alabama Republican Party dinner on Friday. He faces another arraignment next week in Florida after special counsel Jack Smith filed additional criminal charges against him there in the case related to his handling of classified documents. That will come between a campaign stop in New Hampshire and a possible trip to the Iowa State Fair.

Trump also faces the potential of new charges in Atlanta related to efforts to overturn the 2020 election results in Georgia and must also decide whether to attend the first Republican presidential debate on Aug. 23.

Trump campaign officials said they weren’t worried about such logistical challenges.

“President Trump’s campaign will not be impacted by the deep state’s efforts at election interference no matter how hard they try,” said Trump senior campaign adviser Jason Miller, who, like others, argued Trump and his team are well-practiced at being on defense.

Cheung noted that, to date, no campaign events had been rescheduled or canceled because of legal proceedings and that, if anything, more stops have been added.

“It’s full speed ahead,” he said before the latest indictment.

But the challenge for Trump goes beyond politics. Each of the cases against him — ranging from the classified documents case in Florida to allegations in New York of making improper hush-money payments to women and the indictment released on Tuesday — will require intense preparation.

“Obviously, under normal circumstances, it’s impossible to prepare for more than one criminal trial at a time,” said Barry Boss, a leading white-collar criminal defense attorney. “Usually that’s overwhelming in and of itself. So the notion of having multiple indictments that you’re facing is just to me inconceivable.”

In general, rules require defendants in federal cases to be present for major events like their initial appearances and when a verdict is returned, but give them leeway to decide when else to appear.

“There are some people who are very engaged in their defense and want to talk to you every day, and there are others that leave it to you and will be available if you need them,” Boss said.

The investigations are also dominating Trump’s campaign spending. So far this year, the former president’s political operation has spent more on legal fees defending him, his staff and his allies than on travel, rallies and other campaign expenses combined, an AP analysis found.

Under Department of Justice guidelines, sitting presidents are generally shielded from indictment and criminal prosecution. But winning back the White House would not protect Trump indefinitely.

If he is elected anew, he could direct his attorney general to dismiss the federal cases, fire prosecutors or test the limits of presidential power by trying to pardon himself. But those efforts would only apply to the federal cases, not the state criminal charges he faces in New York or could face in Georgia.

Even if Trump does not end up the nominee, a different Republican president would likely face enormous pressure from Trump to drop the charges to placate his supporters — a type of pressure no president has faced since Gerald Ford pardoned his predecessor, Richard Nixon, for his Watergate crimes.

In all, “It’s extraordinarily bad news and the impact internationally would be devastating. That’s why people need to come to their senses,” said John Bolton, Trump’s former national security adviser and now critic, who believes the reality heightens the pressure on Republicans to find an alternative candidate. “Somebody better take the initiative and say we are heading off the edge of a cliff here.”

But so far, Trump has faced little political fallout from his indictments, his big lead over Republican challengers even growing as they struggle to respond. At the same time, he has used the prospect of jail time to try to raise cash.

The “Department of ‘Justice’” he complained in a recent fundraising email, “is trying to put ME in JAIL for the rest of my life as an innocent man.” Other solicitations have arrived with subject lines like “re: 400 YEARS in prison.”

Fleischer said voters will begin to view Trump’s legal triumphs and losses through the lens of the campaign.

If charges in one case are dismissed, for instance, “it will be like he won this legal primary,” and if a judge rules against him, “people will feel like he lost the first day of the court primary.”

Fleischer said that, if Trump ends up having to spend significant time in court, he can imagine the former president holding forth on the courthouse steps, telling voters watching at home, “I’m not on trial, you’re on trial. And I’m in this courtroom fighting for you.”

“It can take him off the road, but he just has another platform on which to have his voice be heard. To him it’s all one campaign.”


Federal Jury Acquits Louisiana Trooper Caught on Camera Pummeling Black Motorist

A federal jury in Louisiana on Wednesday acquitted a white state trooper charged with violating the civil rights of a Black motorist despite body-camera footage that showed the officer pummeling the man 18 times with a flashlight.

The case of Jacob Brown was the first to emerge from a series of FBI investigations into troopers’ beatings of Black men during traffic stops in Louisiana and underscored the challenges prosecutors face convicting law enforcement officials accused of using excessive force.

After a three-day trial in Monroe, jurors found Brown not guilty of depriving Aaron Bowman of his civil rights during a 2019 beating that left Bowman with a broken jaw, broken ribs and a gash to his head.

Brown, 33, who defended the blows to investigators as “ pain compliance,” would have faced up to a decade in federal prison if convicted.

Brown’s defense attorney, Scott Wolleson, told The Associated Press he was grateful for the verdict. “The men and women of the jury recognized the risks law enforcement officers like Jacob Brown face on our behalf every day,” he said.

Bowman’s attorney, Ron Haley, said the acquittal “shows it’s incredibly hard to prove a civil rights violation in federal court.” He added that the attack had “fundamentally changed” Bowman’s life.

“He was low-hanging fruit for Jacob Brown,” Haley said.

The acquittal comes as federal prosecutors are still scrutinizing other Louisiana state troopers caught on body-camera video punching, stunning and dragging another Black motorist, Ronald Greene, before he died in their custody on a rural roadside. That federal probe is also examining whether police brass obstructed justice to protect the troopers who beat Greene following a high-speed chase.

Body-camera footage of both the Bowman and Greene beatings, which took place less than three weeks and 20 miles apart, remained under wraps before the AP obtained and published the videos in 2021. The cases were among a dozen highlighted in an AP investigation that revealed a pattern of troopers and their bosses ignoring or concealing evidence of beatings, deflecting blame and impeding efforts to root out misconduct.

State police didn’t investigate the Bowman attack until 536 days after it occurred and only did so weeks after Bowman brought a civil lawsuit. It ultimately determined Brown “engaged in excessive and unjustifiable actions,” failed to report the use of force to his supervisors and “intentionally mislabeled” his body-camera video.

The AP found Brown, who patrolled in northern Louisiana, was involved in 23 use-of-force incidents between 2015 and his 2021 resignation — 19 of which targeted Black people. Brown still faces state charges in the violent arrest of yet another Black motorist, a case in which he boasted in a group chat with other troopers that “it warms my heart knowing we could educate that young man.”

Brown is the son of Bob Brown, a longtime trooper who oversaw statewide criminal investigations and, before retiring, was the agency’s chief of staff. The elder Brown rose to the agency’s second in command despite being reprimanded years earlier for calling Black colleagues the n-word and hanging a Confederate flag in his office.

In the wake of the AP’s reporting, the U.S. Justice Department last year opened a sweeping civil rights investigation into the state police that remains ongoing.

On the night that Bowman was pulled over for “improper lane usage,” Brown came upon the scene after deputies had forcibly removed Bowman from his vehicle and taken him to the ground in the driveaway of his Monroe home. Video and police records show he beat Bowman 18 times with a flashlight in 24 seconds.

“I’m not resisting! I’m not resisting!” Bowman can be heard screaming between blows.

U.S. Attorney Brandon Brown, who is not related to Jacob Brown, told AP he was proud of the 48-year-old Bowman for having the courage to tell his story.

“These cases are arguably the toughest that we investigate and prosecute,” he said. “We believe that this victim’s civil rights were violated. Unfortunately for us the jury didn’t agree, and we’ll have to respect their decision.”


I’ve Taught in Prisons for 15 Years – Here’s What Schools Need to Know as Government Funding Expands

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By Nicholas De Dominic, USC Dornsife College of Letters, Arts and Sciences

In spring of 2023, I taught a class on memoir at the California Institution for Women, a medium-security facility, in Chino.

The course focused on autobiographical writing. Each week, students were asked to draft narratives focused on their life story and its larger social context.

In addition to writers-in-custody at the prison, the class enrolled University of Southern California students. Every week, my colleague and I drove 12 USC undergraduates out to the prison to join their incarcerated peers in class. Both populations received college credit for their work.

After the class ended, I received a thank-you note from one of our incarcerated students. Jaime – I’ve changed her name for privacy – wanted to let me know that she was writing more than ever to prepare for her release. She said the USC students were a model for her, and she could see herself being friends with them on the outside.

I have taught in prisons and jails for 15 years, both as a volunteer and as the director of USC’s Dornsife Prison Education Project. My teaching and writing focus on how everyday speech can find its way and make lyric expression.

USC’s Dornsife Prison Education Project offers courses for enrichment and college credit to people within California correctional facilities. The program organization also sponsors projects like criminal record expungement clinics, during which law school and community volunteers help people clear their criminal records.

Jaime’s note wasn’t the first I’ve received since beginning to teach in prisons, but it was one of the most meaningful. This was the first semester my university made an important investment by granting incarcerated students credit for their work. Until this point, PEP’s courses were offered solely for enrichment.

Cost of incarceration

Today, there are over 2 million people in jail or prison in the United States, and annual spending on incarceration exceeds US$80 billion.

This $80 billion may underestimate the true economic picture. Larger social costs associated with mass incarceration exceed $500 billion annually. Most Americans believe the goal of incarceration should be rehabilitation, but because of the climate of violence in most prisons, very little actual rehabilitation takes place. Recidivism rates support this: Seven out of 10 people will be arrested again within five years of their release.

Both spending and rates of incarceration have increased sixfold over the last 50 years, reaching a peak in 2009 and dropping slightly since then with little to no effect on re-offense rates or public safety. Mass incarceration has proved somehow to be both extraordinarily expensive and preposterously ineffective.

But research shows that one of the most effective ways to make real change when it comes to mass incarceration is by expanding access to education. As soon as a person who is incarcerated steps into a classroom, their likelihood to re-offend decreases. With each educational milestone achieved, those rates continue to go down.

Opportunities slowly growing

Participation in higher education programs increases critical thinking and raises potential future earnings, with the benefits extending beyond the individual to the community as well.

Despite these clear benefits, most prisons only offer access to high school equivalency classes and testing, and some vocational classes. Few offer post-secondary educational opportunities. Only approximately 202 credit-bearing college programs exist in U.S. prisons. These are mostly offered to men imprisoned on the East and West coasts, even though women’s incarceration rates have increased by 525% since 1980.

Over the last decade, I’ve witnessed incredible growth of prison education. When I began this work in 2006, only a handful of institutions granted Bachelors of Arts degrees to incarcerated people. But recently, director and project manager positions were posted by schools like Northwestern, Wesleyan and Georgetown universities. In the next five years, I expect these programs to multiply.

Driving this expansion is the fact that in December 2022, Congress restored access to Pell Grants for incarcerated students. In July 2023, an estimated 463,000 incarcerated people will become eligible for federal student aid.

This increased accessibility to federal money for incarcerated students has created a new revenue stream for colleges and universities. Many schools will look to compete for these federal dollars, and incarcerated people will have more choices when it comes to their education.

Seven inmates earned associate degrees from the University of New Haven. // Screenshot video

A heavy lift

But these new opportunities bring new potential problems.

First, more money creates renewed motivation for predatory institutions to exploit an already vulnerable population. I regularly meet students who have several degrees from pay-to-play degree mills. Many of these students are the first in their families to attend college and are navigating the process alone – a reality that makes them susceptible to exploitation. With the increase of federal dollars, I expect more for-profit universities to offer incarcerated people degrees with nominal utility.

Beyond bad actors, many smaller regional universities and colleges are facing what’s been dubbed the “enrollment cliff,” or a drop in the population of traditional students beginning in 2025 due to a declining U.S. birth rate. As a result, they are looking for nontraditional students to fill the gap, including incarcerated people.

I fear a massive onslaught of new players rushing to meet this need will lead to careless program design and speedy implementations.

Hard to do well

This is a concern because prison higher education programs are incredibly difficult to administer. Space within prisons is at a premium. Moving students from one area to another presents logistical challenges.

Best practices within prison education have been notoriously difficult to define because of how site-specific programs are. Even within large, well-funded correctional systems like California’s, I’ve observed massive cultural differences between facilities that are across the street from each other.

Classes are frequently canceled due to the day-to-day operations of the prison, making it difficult to deliver good instruction. For example, if a typical course requires a certain amount of instructor-to-student contact hours and classes are regularly interrupted due to prison trainings, audits and security concerns, how does the program make up those missed classes?

Students often need different levels of support services due to varying, and often low, literacy levels. These services are available on campus, but creating them in a prison is next to impossible.

Further, students may be transferred from one prison to another where the programs they’ve begun are no longer available.

Persuading faculty to teach in prison in addition to their usual class load at the university adds yet another barrier.

Managing a program that offers higher education in prison necessitates the active management not only of law enforcement bureaucracies, but of complex university ones that are slow to adapt to change. Yet unlike on a college campus, one miscommunication in prison – like someone missing an email – can put a class on hold for an indeterminate amount of time.

I’ve observed institutions enter prisons and then abruptly disband programs after problems arise, abandoning students already distrustful of the system.

Jaime’s letter proves the power of these programs on the individual. A review of prison research concludes the same thing.

As more colleges invest in these populations, I’d argue these new programs must deeply invest in this population and commit to providing the opportunities they create. It’s important to offer incarcerated students the same support systems that traditional campus students receive, while being fully aware of the challenges they face.

Otherwise, these programs may in fact disappoint students like Jaime rather than inspire them.

_____The Conversation

Nicholas De Dominic, Associate Professor of Writing, USC Dornsife College of Letters, Arts and Sciences

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.


From the Desk of the Editor GOD RADIO Latest Episode

Watch GOD Radio latest episode and hear all of what Dr. Warren, special Latanya West managing editor of The Voice and Viewpoint and host Dr. Thompson have to say about politics and important community news.

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This Camp Trains Black Students for Futures in STEAM

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After majoring in communications, a Tulane student wanted to switch majors in her junior year to computer science.

Advisors doubted her because she didn’t have the prerequisite classes, saying she was “way behind.” They offered self-study assignments to catch up and see if it would be a good fit.

When she looked at the assignments, she told advisors she already knew this stuff. During high school, she’d done a program called STEAM:CODERS, which taught her coding languages.

They were able to share with the students their experience, having sat in those chairs learning coding and robotics, and now being able to use those skills in college as freshmen.

RAYMOND EALY, EXECUTIVE DIRECTOR AND FOUNDER OF STEAM:CODERS

Now she has a computer science degree and a job at Accenture.

“That was really a big moment for her to be able to fall back on what she learned in high school and use that in college to be able to get her degree,” says Raymond Ealy, executive director and founder of STEAM:CODERS.

It’s success stories like these Ealy likes to share with campers every summer to give them something to relate to. And, now that former campers have returned to instruct programs, STEAM:CODERS has come full circle.

“They were able to share with the students their experience, having sat in those chairs learning coding and robotics, and now being able to use those skills in college as freshmen,” Ealy says. “It’s working. Living Proof.”

How STEAM:CODERS Works

STEAM:CODERS, based in Pasadena, California, serves underrepresented and underserved K-12 students. About 40% of attendees are Hispanic, and 25% are Black.

About 500 kids go through the programs every summer — more than 60,000 since it started in 2014 — in class sizes of about 15 to 20. They try to keep the classes small to give each student the attention they need. This is important because most of the students come from Title I schools where they’re in a class of more than 30 people, Ealy says.

“If you struggle and raise your hand, there really is nobody to come by and help you because the teacher has to keep the class moving,” Ealy says. “We try to make sure that, if you do raise your hand, if you get stuck, we have somebody in the room who could sit with you until you catch up.”

We try to make sure that, if you do raise your hand, if you get stuck, we have somebody in the room who could sit with you until you catch up.

RAYMOND EALY, EXECUTIVE DIRECTOR AND FOUNDER OF STEAM:CODERS

Courses are matched with the student’s age, grade, and skill level.

The elementary school-aged kids do beginning lessons like Scratch, a basic coding language that helps them get familiar with the look and feel of coding languages. Once in middle school, the skill level increases, with students learning languages like Python and JavaScript, along with the more creative offerings of game design, video editing, and robotics. And high school-aged students build on these skills through web design, data science and analytics, and even cybersecurity.

“For those who want to move on and take computer science and AP classes, we try to really push the envelope for them so that they’re ready,” Ealy says.

In 2022, Black students were severely underrepresented in the overall students who took Biology, Calculus AB, and Statistics AP tests. While white students made up an average of 74% who took these exams, and Hispanic students made up an average of 20%, Black students made up about 7% of students.

And the rate drops even lower when looking at those who scored at least a 3 on the exam, which is the lowest score colleges accept as transfer credits. White students made up 81% of those who scored at least a 3 on the exam, Hispanic students made up 14%, and Black students accounted for only 4%.

To help keep students on track, each class is broken into three groups: Kids who are moving a little quicker, students who are “going in lockstep” with the teacher, and the group that’s struggling.

“Having three [instructors] in a classroom allows us to address all three groups,” Ealy says. “We don’t know who they are initially, but after we figure it out, they have a designated person, and they don’t have to worry about how fast or how slow the rest of the class is moving.”

Aside from learning the skills, there’s an exciting aspect to the camp: Field trips to places like Nickelodeon and Warner Bros. to see the professions in action.

They talk to animators and other production professionals on shows like Spongebob and Rugrats, where they know the characters but not how the shows are put together. It teaches them what kinds of jobs exist in the industry and makes them more relatable.

“We take them places they’ve never thought about, and they get to talk to people in roles they know nothing about,” Ealy says. “It’s a real highlight for the kids. They didn’t know there were that many jobs involved.”

Opening Their Eyes

In the communities STEAM:CODERS serve, many people don’t look to the tech field as an opportunity, Ealy says.

“Primarily, it’s because their families are not in those fields. Their families may be working lower-skilled or unskilled jobs and didn’t go to college,” Ealy says.

In the beginning, STEAM:CODERS bounced around to different locations with computer labs, like community centers. But then it fostered relationships with local universities that had unused labs. And this benefit was two-fold.

“It gets those kids on a college campus for the first time,” Ealy says. “They can look around and see what it’s like, so we plant that college seed early.”

After the college exposure, Ealy wanted to ensure students were exposed to the tech job market and what opportunities were available to them.

In 2021, about a quarter of the United States’ workforce was employed in STEM occupations, but Black people only accounted for 9%, compared to 10% of Asian workers and 15% of Hispanic workers, according to the National Center for Science and Engineering Statistics.

“We’re trying to make sure everybody knows that those jobs are out there and have some training, some fundamentals so that they can take advantage of those opportunities,” Ealy says. “It just makes the country stronger when we have a larger talent pool, and that talent pool is getting opportunities.”


The Damage We Do When We Throw Around Terms Like ‘Crazy’

At least twice a day, I hear the phrases “It’s driving me insane!” or “That was crazy” to describe everyday occurrences.

Words like “crazy,” “mad,” “insane,” and “nuts” have been completely absorbed into our lexicon, and we don’t think twice about using them. Casual use of these terms, however, can be stigmatizing and dehumanizing for people with mental health conditions.

People often don’t think about the origin of these phrases or their true meaning. They often reinforce society’s negative view of people struggling with their mental health and can lead to fatal consequences.

Casual use of these terms, however, can be stigmatizing and dehumanizing for people with mental health conditions.

Several decades ago my mother was diagnosed with a serious mental health condition — undifferentiated schizophrenia — bringing this issue close to my heart. Her experiences motivated me to pursue a career in mental health policy and devote my energy to eradicating stigma and expanding access to culturally responsive care.

When someone casually says, “she’s so crazy” in an off-handed way, they could be talking about someone like my mom.

Reducing her and others with similar conditions to a diagnosis is irresponsible, inhumane, and morally reprehensible. Diagnostic labels and their negative associations don’t allow us to see the humanity of people beyond their symptoms.

Many of our most popular media outlets use the words “crazy” and “insane” to describe politicians across the political spectrum. From lawmakers to policies, “crazy” and “insane” are weaponized against ideas and people. Although it may seem benign, using words in this context harms people struggling with mental health.

These words have a long history. “Mad” and “madman” have origins dating back to oral traditions in the late 8th or early 7th centuries B.C. Other terminology derived from the Western concept of madness describes people as “unhealthy” or “unstable,” all of which connote negative states of being.

Diagnostic labels and their negative associations don’t allow us to see the humanity of people beyond their symptoms.

This concept reinforced the notion that one‘s mental health state was static, based on a subjective binary of sanity versus insanity, “good” versus “bad.” Although the usage of these words and phrases depends on context, madness is always linked with adverse mental health. The English language does not provide enough flexibility to allow nuance as well as positive, strength-based associations of the mental health spectrum.

Using words such as “crazy,” “mad,” and “insane” perpetuates mental health stigma and stereotypes. In a society filled with such stigma, families and community members may consider someone with a mental health condition to have done something wrong or not been “strong enough” in their mind to get better.

By calling someone “crazy,” you are saying that their actions are outside the realm of what is considered “normal,” and therefore, they are “bad.” These associations can be harmful to people who have mental health conditions that are then exacerbated through personal circumstances, family relationships, environment, racism, discrimination, and societal factors.

The more we treat people experiencing mental health struggles with disdain or contempt, the less likely people will seek out the help they need.

Characterizing policies and people by how “crazy” and “insane” they are also makes it harder for people living with mental health conditions to access care and support. The more we treat people experiencing mental health struggles with disdain or contempt, the less likely people will seek out the help they need. This is especially true for Black and brown people, who already experience barriers to health care, including medical racism. No one wants a negative label on their back.

If you’re feeling guilty about using these words, there is a silver lining. Some Mad Activists are reclaiming “crazy” and “mad” as empowering terms to describe themselves and reject the stigma that has always accompanied those terms, within and outside of the medical system. When considering these terms, we must follow the lead of people with lived experience. We must provide Mad Activists a platform to help us collectively understand how one’s mental health experiences can be part of one’s identity.

For those of us without lived experience, let’s think twice about throwing around words such as “insane” and “crazy” and find more precise and less stigmatizing language to make our point. Stop and think about what you are trying to say and who you may be hurting with your words. It will take many people to stop mental health stigma — and we can start with the language we use.

Isha Weerasinghe is a senior policy analyst focused on mental health with the Center for Law and Social Policy.


Can Donald Trump Serve as President If he’s Convicted of Federal Crimes?

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By Stacy M. Brown, NNPA Newswire Senior National Correspondent

Can Donald Trump still run for President despite facing federal charges?
Yes.
Can he serve as President if he’s convicted of any of the dozens of federal charges he’s facing?
Richard L. Hasen, a Law Professor at the University of California, Los Angeles, specializing in election law, believes that Trump could serve as President again in 2024 if he wins the election.

“The Constitution has very few requirements to serve as President, such as being at least 35 years of age. It does not bar anyone indicted, or convicted, or even serving jail time, from running as President and winning the presidency,” Hasen told CNN.
However, whether a President could serve while incarcerated remains largely unknown.
“How someone would serve as president from prison is a happily untested question,” Hasen said.

Trump is facing serious criminal charges, including conspiracy to defraud the United States, obstruction of official proceedings, and conspiracy against rights.
There are other charges related to mishandling classified documents and a scheme involving a payment to an adult film star.
These are separate from the federal indictment tied to the special counsel’s investigation.
Should Trump be convicted before the 2024 election and still emerge as the victor, he might attempt to grant himself a pardon, Hasen suggested.

However, the legal validity of such an action remains uncharted territory.
“Whether he can do so is untested. The Supreme Court may have to weigh in,” Hasen added, pointing out that Trump could potentially appeal a conviction to the conservative-leaning Supreme Court.
Conviction at the federal level or in New York would have consequences beyond the presidency.

If Trump is found guilty of a crime, he would not be allowed to vote in Florida, where he currently resides, until after completing any punishment given to him.
Historically, individuals have run for office while facing criminal charges.
For example, Eugene V. Debs, who campaigned for President as a member of the Socialist Party in 1920, ran his campaign from a prison cell and secured approximately 3 percent of the vote.

While the Constitution sets minimal eligibility requirements for presidents, such as age and citizenship, it does not impose limitations based on character or criminal record.
Consequently, states that prohibit felons from running for state and local offices do not extend these restrictions to federal positions.

If Trump were to be convicted and then exercise presidential power, the legal situation would be unclear. It would be unprecedented and likely face a lot of scrutiny and legal challenges.
Only time will tell how the U.S. legal system will address such a complex and contentious situation.


The 11th Annual Back-to-School Backpack Giveaway

By Darrel Wheeler and Voice & Viewpoint Staff

As the new school year approaches school supplies are a very important component to the educational experience. Last Saturday, 79th District State Assemblymember Akilah Weber, M.D. and her team did their part in helping school-age kids with free backpacks and school supplies at the Ronald Reagan Community Center in El Cajon. 

Assemblymember Weber, M.D. hosted the district’s 11th Annual  Backpack Giveaway and Family Resource Fair, with organizations coming together to raise thousands of dollars towards free school supplies for the new year. El Cajon is a new redistricted city to the  79th Assembly District. Families had to show some patience as they endured the long entry line that wrapped halfway around the block on East Douglas Avenue.

“I’ve been working with Akilah and her mother Shirley Weber for years. This has to be one of the biggest turnouts. I think this is definitely a very important event. You can’t go wrong when it comes to helping kids with their education,'” State Assembly District 79 candidate Dr. LaShae Sharp-Collins shared.       

“The joy on the students’ faces as they get their brand-new backpacks makes the months of planning all worth it,” said Assemblymember Akilah Weber, M.D.  

Sponsors and supporters included the National Sorority of Phi Delta Kappa, Delta Upsilon Chapter in San Diego, The San Diego Foundation, IBEW Local 569/NECA San  Diego, Californians Allied for Patient Protection, UFCW Local 135, SDG&E, Barona Band of Mission Indians, The Automobile Club of Southern California, Davita, Amazon, and Blue Shield of California Promise Health Plan. 


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